The return of Confucius as a notable figure in the Chinese government's public presentation has been the subject of substantive scholarly discussion. Unlike much of this work, however, the present paper engages two questions difficult to assess within pure academia: how does the government fare when judged from a traditional perspective it now uses to justify its own actions, and what effects, if any, would closer adherence to that tradition have on modern governance?
The US decision to focus on civil rights and institutions as a part of an overall counter-insurgency strategy was not a mistake. The suggestion that the United States has no obligation to address women’s rights in the negotiation process because “such rights have never existed in most of Afghanistan” is an insult to the thousands of women that have sacrificed for the American ideals of freedom and equality pushed by the Allies since 2001.
Much of the public discourse on nuclear security is based on the implications of binary scenarios: a nuclear state versus a non-nuclear one. This approach does not account for the fact that beyond these two positions lies a spectrum of relative nuclear capabilities and characteristics. Factors that determine the position of a state in this nuclear spectrum include the size of its nuclear arsenal, its delivery capabilities, the vulnerabilities of its nuclear infrastructure, and its tactical deployment strategy. The state’s relative position, in turn, produces different security implications.
It is clear that while the momentum of the Arab Uprisings of 2011 had been arrested – and, in Egypt, Syria, and Bahrain, reversed or crushed – the root causes that brought them about still exist and have, in most states, not been addressed and are “burning embers under the ashes.”
Although Central Asia stands as a region of strategic importance, relations between the United States and the five Central Asian republics are limited in scope. Why? [T]he absence of a Central Asian lobby, the nature of the many “linkages” between the “Stans” and other nearby Great Powers, and the onset of a “New Cold War” between Russia and the West impede the fostering of greater ties between the United States and the Central Asian republics. Central Asia’s importance from a U.S./Western perspective will also likely continue to dissipate unless local elites implement significant reforms in the near future.
Following 25 years of GDP growth, Panama is at a turning point. It must simultaneously address both sides of these longstanding divides. In keeping with this line of thinking, the solution also relies on a dual approach. Panama should further its industrial policies both “in the small” to support current comparative advantages and “in the large” to facilitate the creation of new ones.
Shenai presented his conventions-based theory of financial crises, and numerous current and former students participated in a wide-ranging discussion on the advantages of Shenai's model, the overall state of academic research on financial markets, and policy implications of Shenai's theory on financial regulation and managing risks in the global economy.
If you turn on the news today, you will most likely hear about the recent government shutdown, our military presence in the Middle East, or a number of other domestic and international issues. But what will most likely not be discussed, or at least at length, is the threat the Venezuelan crisis poses to the United States.
If France and Germany are not able to maintain a pro-democratic message, the liberal world order will lose its foothold in Europe. Fragmentation in German politics is among the greatest threats to the democratic cause.
Can governments eventually learn to better utilize and appreciate the growing influence of social media? The answer is not clear, and the future of diplomacy is yet to be written.
