Unveiling Purpose and Agency in Kashmiri Women’s Participation in Militancy

The Kashmir conflict between India and Pakistan traces its origins back to the partition of British India in 1947, marking the beginning of a longstanding dispute that continues to ignite violence and unrest in the region.¹ However, a pivotal turning point emerged in the late 1980s when Kashmir experienced a notable surge in militancy.² Despite numerous efforts to foster peace, including negotiations and ceasefires, finding a lasting resolution has remained an elusive goal.³ One crucial element that has been overlooked throughout these peace-building endeavors is the active participation of women in militancy.⁴ The substantial presence of women in supporting and auxiliary roles within the militant movement has largely gone unnoticed by those striving for peace. The contributions of these women have been undervalued due to prevailing gender stereotypes that deny their agency and decision-making in supporting militancy. Overlooking their agency in militancy has directly translated to overlooking their agency in peacebuilding.

For example, in discussions about Kashmiri women involved in militancy, there is a tendency to overlook their active roles and reduce them to fulfilling maternal duties.⁵,⁶ This limited perspective fails to acknowledge the complexity of their engagement. Swati Parashar, a renowned scholar specializing in gender and militancy in South Asia, sheds light on this issue by examining a slogan from the 1990s: “ay mard-e-mujahid jaag zara, ab waqt-e-shahadat aaya hai (O holy warriors rise and awake. The time for your martyrdom has come).”⁷ The slogan calls upon holy warriors to embrace martyrdom, while women, assuming various roles, implore men to fight for the cause.⁸ Parashar’s analysis reveals a prevailing narrative that portrays women primarily as sacrificing mothers and their sons as heroic figures, disregarding the fact that not all women involved in the movement have male relatives affiliated with militant groups. By restricting their participation to maternal roles, these representations overlook the diverse experiences and agency of women in the region. To truly comprehend their contributions and challenges within the conflict, it is imperative to challenge and expand beyond traditional gender roles and narratives. By doing so, we can gain a comprehensive understanding of the multifaceted dimensions of their involvement.

Some sources also explore how the absence of organized women’s groups advocating for gender justice and equality in Kashmir has had significant consequences, giving rise to militant-led women’s groups like the Dakhturan-e-Millat (DeM).⁹ These groups hold considerable influence over women’s support and involvement in militant organizations. In her analysis, Manisha Sobhrajani, a journalist based in Kashmir, sheds light on how fundamentalist women’s groups entice Kashmiri women into militant organizations by providing them with community and livelihood resources.¹⁰ Building upon this perspective, Urba Malik, a scholar specializing in gender and identity in the Kashmir conflict, highlights the struggles faced by half-widows, the estranged wives of missing or deceased militant fighters, in her article, “Democracy, Gender, and Armed Conflict: Exploring Women’s Narratives of Resistance in Contemporary Kashmir.”¹¹ Half-widows face numerous challenges, such as the denial of compensation and abandonment by their in-laws and families, compelling many who search for their missing husbands to turn to the DeM for solace and support.¹² As a result of this reliance, they become indebted to the group, eventually becoming involved with the Mujaheddin.¹³ This intricate web of circumstances illustrates the complex dynamics that drive women’s participation in militant activities in Kashmir, revealing the urgent need for organized women’s groups to work towards gender justice and equality to counterbalance the influence of such militant-led organizations. At the same time, it propagates a narrative of women as victims trapped into militancy for survival– portraying their association with militancy as one driven by haplessness rather than conscious ideological reasons.

Similarly, the depiction of Kashmiri women by the Indian security forces often paints a distorted picture, presenting them as passive victims coerced into hiding or supporting militants.¹⁴ According to this portrayal, these women lack agency in their decision-making and hold no ideological sympathy for the militants.¹⁵ Their actions are simply attributed to fear of retribution or violence.¹⁶ This one-dimensional narrative is widely propagated by media outlets, including the internet, TV, and newspapers, which frequently depict these women as being duped into their involvement.¹⁷ This representation was further amplified in the 2000 Bollywood film Mission Kashmir, where a Kashmiri girl is manipulated by her childhood friend, a militant seeking revenge.¹⁸ Eventually, she cooperates with the police to expose his intentions. This cinematic portrayal reinforces the prevailing image of the Kashmiri woman caught in the crossfire between conflicting ideologies and victimized by the forces surrounding her. However, by reducing their involvement to indirect, involuntary, and circumstantial roles, these representations fail to acknowledge the multifaceted nature of women as conscious political actors. They overlook the complexity of women’s motivations and the diverse range of reasons that lead them to participate in militancy, thus offering an incomplete and limited perspective.

Therefore, this essay aims to bridge the understanding gap regarding women’s participation in militancy in Kashmir by asserting that their involvement is a means of social and political empowerment. It begins by highlighting the marginalization of women in social and political spheres within Kashmir. The essay then explores their auxiliary roles within militancy, arguing that these roles serve as a pathway to empowerment. However, the essay also recognizes the limitations of empowerment within the context of militancy. As a result, it indicates the potential for the government to capitalize on these limitations by establishing alternative avenues that foster female empowerment through non-violent means. By addressing this gap in understanding, the essay contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of women’s portrayal and participation in militancy and offers pathways for empowering women in Kashmir.

Marginalized Voices: Women’s Struggles within Kashmiri Society

In Kashmiri society, women experience marginalization across various aspects of their lives, particularly concerning the gendered consequences of security forces’ misconduct. One significant event that exemplifies this is the Kunan Poshpora incident of 1991, where Indian security forces subjected women in the village to mass sexual assault.¹⁹ Extensive documentation, including survivor testimonies²⁰ and investigations by human rights organizations, underscores the targeted and gendered nature of the violence, revealing the systematic subjugation of women.²¹ More notably though, it is the aftermath of the Kunan Poshpora incident that sheds light on the gendered treatment of women and their subsequent marginalization within society. Apart from the immediate consequences of the violence, the women in the village faced societal backlash and stigma²² as their honor and reputations were called into question due to the assaults they endured.²³ This is exemplified by the experiences of Shakeela Dar, a rape victim who struggled to find a suitable husband for her daughter.²⁴ In interviews with Urba Malik, she recounts how prospective in-laws deliberately provoked, insulted, and mistreated her daughter based on her status as the child of a rape victim.²⁵ These social responses reflect deeply ingrained patriarchal norms that place the burden of responsibility on women, reinforcing gender inequalities and perpetuating their marginalization. The women of Kunan Poshpora continue to suffer from the stigma associated with being from a village where such violence occurred.²⁶ They face immense challenges in their daily lives while concealing their pain and trauma, leading to tragic cases of suicide.²⁷ While it is essential to recognize the experiences of men who may have also suffered mistreatment and human rights abuses in the Kunan Poshpora incident and other instances of security forces’ misconduct, the lived experience of the female survivors of the Kunan Poshpora incident highlights a targeted and gendered impact on women and not men.²⁸ This underscores the unique nature of female marginalization within the context of these incidents.

The subjugation of women in Kashmir is also exemplified by the marginalization faced by half-widows—women whose husbands have gone missing during the ongoing conflict, leaving them in a state of ambiguity regarding their marital status—in Kashmiri society.²⁹ One form of marginalization experienced by half-widows is social stigmatization and isolation within their communities.³⁰ They are often labeled as “unfortunate” or “cursed,” leading to their ostracism.³¹ Within their own families, they are denied inheritance rights and excluded from decision-making processes.³² The experiences of Atiqa and Tahira, two half-widows who were unjustly denied their rightful share in the family property, highlight this exclusion.³³ Despite the existence of inheritance laws that entitle women to a portion of the family estate, male relatives took advantage of their vulnerable position to exploit them and claim the property for themselves.³⁴ This denial perpetuates economic instability and exposes the deeply ingrained gender biases prevalent in Kashmiri society, reinforcing the marginalization of half-widows.

On a more political front, the denial of government assistance based on the alleged associations of their disappeared husbands with terrorism adds another layer to the marginalization faced by half-widows.³⁵ Khalida’s story serves as a vivid example of this struggle.³⁶ After her militant husband disappeared, Khalida faced numerous unsuccessful attempts to secure job opportunities.³⁷ In desperation, she turned to the government’s Special Recruitment Order (SRO) program, which promised job opportunities to all Kashmiri citizens.³⁸ However, Khalida was denied a job through this program.³⁹ When she sought support from her local political representative, Minister Ali Sagar, hoping for assistance with the SRO, she was met with disdain and derogatory comments regarding her husband’s alleged involvement with a militant group.⁴⁰ By denying government assistance to half-widows based on the actions of their disappeared husbands, the authorities contribute to their continued marginalization. This perpetuates a cycle of discrimination that hinders their ability to rebuild their lives and maintain their dignity, further emphasizing the marginalization faced by half-widows in Kashmiri society.

Moreover, the Indian government’s recent revocation of Article 370 in Kashmir, integrating a previously more independent Kashmir more directly under the central government, has further marginalized women in the region.⁴¹ This is reflected in the remarks of politicians who suggested that Indian men could now easily find Kashmiri brides, reducing women to mere objects of desire and reinforcing harmful stereotypes.⁴² Such misogyny did not confine itself to offline spaces but spread virulently across various social media platforms.⁴³ Disturbingly, the removal of Article 370 coincided with a surge in online searches for phrases like “How to marry a Kashmiri woman” on search engines like Google,⁴⁴ further emphasizing the dehumanization of Kashmiri women and reducing them to mere commodities. These demeaning attitudes and the widespread objectification of Kashmiri women highlight the deep-rooted marginalization they face, perpetuating a culture of inequality.

From Grievances to Empowerment: Unraveling the Gendered Dimensions of Female Militancy in Kashmir

When delving into the gendered dimensions of female grievances in Kashmir, it is crucial to examine how these specific concerns influence women’s decisions to join the ranks of militancy. As women assume supportive roles within these movements, their motivation to participate may stem from a desire for increased social standing and empowerment. Within the context of militancy, women contribute by providing vital assistance such as provisions, shelter, secure routes, and medical aid to militants.⁴⁵ Additionally, female wings within militant groups aid the families of combatants, file petitions to search for missing militants, and recruit politically active women from educational institutions.⁴⁶ By assuming these roles, women have gained public trust and credibility within society, a stark departure from their previous confinement to the domestic sphere as homemakers. This transformation is exemplified by Asiya Andrabi, a member of the Mujahideen’s (militant organization) women’s wing, who recounts how senior militants regularly sought her input to mobilize auxiliary support from women before implementing major combat strategies.⁴⁷ Furthermore, Andrabi often found herself approached by widows of the Mujahideen seeking socio-economic assistance.⁴⁸ Through their interactions with both men and women in their communities, women’s engagement in militancy enables them to become trusted figures,⁴⁹ elevating their social status and granting them positions of authority.

Therefore, in exploring the gendered aspects of female grievances in Kashmir and their impact on women’s decisions to participate in militancy, it is possible that women might engage in these movements to seek higher social status. However, it is important to consider alternative perspectives that suggest women primarily take up auxiliary roles due to the predominance of men in direct combat. But even if this were the case, the organized and sustained nature of female participation across Kashmir indicates a broader ambition and a desire for social transformation among women. This can be seen in the long-standing presence of women’s wings in militant organizations such as the Muslim Khawateen Markaz (MKM) and DeM, which have gathered a membership of over 500 women throughout Kashmir over a span of 35 years.⁵⁰ While ideological motivations, familial pressures, and coercion by militants are significant factors for women’s involvement in militancy in Kashmir, it is crucial to integrate a gendered perspective without disregarding other motivating factors. Thus, rather than invalidating any specific motivations, the aim is to add a new dimension that acknowledges the gendered aspects within the broader discussion.

In addition to seeking higher social status, women in Kashmir may participate in militancy as a means to attain political agency and empowerment within a society deeply rooted in patriarchal norms and traditional gender roles. From a political perspective, their contributions to the movement encompass acting as human shields and guards, utilizing burqas to smuggle arms and militants, and providing support during raids.⁵¹ By fulfilling these supportive roles to men engaged in direct combat, they establish themselves as political agents actively contributing to the cause of militancy. This status as political agents is particularly significant in a patriarchal society like Kashmir, where cultural and religious traditions confine women to caregiving roles and limit their involvement in political activities.⁵² Furthermore, women often assist militants by engaging in attacks on security forces and facilitating the escape of militants.⁵³ Employing tactics such as stone pelting, organizing protests, and participating in civil disobedience, female participants are depicted as agents entrusted with the protection of their male counterparts, diverging from the stereotypical portrayal of women as passive figures in need of rescue.⁵⁴ Notably, news reports often highlight the roles of female participants in militancy, providing them with publicity, holding them accountable for their actions, and acknowledging their roles as conscious political agents.⁵⁵,⁵⁶ Therefore, women may willingly choose to support militancy and actively assume the status of political agents. This desire is explicitly expressed by a Kashmiri college teacher who describes her decision to act as a human shield for militants as a conscious choice to embrace a “public role.”⁵⁷

Here, it is crucial to understand why women might perceive militancy as the most viable path to attain political agency and empowerment. In the context of Kashmir, militancy emerges as a significant avenue for Kashmiri women to assert their political agency and pursue empowerment precisely because mainstream channels offer limited opportunities for political representation and growth.⁵⁸ With minimal gender-based political reservations in state assemblies or similar councils, except for the panchayat (village council), women find in militancy a pathway to exercise their agency, advance in ranks, and even provide strategic counsel to senior militants.⁵⁹ Female militant groups actively promote increased participation and empowerment for women, with women assuming leadership roles within their respective wings.⁶⁰ Anjum Zamarud Habib, leader of the MKM, contends that women’s participation in militancy enables them to “take forward the jazba (zeal) for azaadi (freedom).”⁶¹ The use of the term “take” implies active movement and underscores women’s agency in making decisions. This perspective underscores how women proactively shape their roles as political agents in militant organizations. This also becomes particularly attractive in societies like Kashmir, where women are often denied political agency. In contrast, the promises offered by the government may appear less appealing, further strengthening the appeal of militancy as a channel for political empowerment for women in Kashmir.

Unveiling the Constraints: Women’s Limited Agency in Kashmir’s Militant Groups

While it may initially appear that militant groups in Kashmir offer women opportunities for empowerment and increased agency, it is crucial to recognize that these organizations also impose limitations on the expression of such agency. Despite aspiring to be active political participants and protesting against oppressive regimes, women often find themselves confined by militant groups to auxiliary roles or limited indirect combat roles.⁶² Mothers and wives shoulder the societal responsibilities of their male family members and may assist them as human shields during military confrontations.⁶³ When assigned the role of suicide bomber, women are treated as mere instruments, outfitted with explosives and directed by male militants to detonate themselves.⁶⁴ These prescribed roles , strip women of agency and reduce their identity and political involvement to serving as tools controlled by men. Even in more direct combat roles, women are relegated to using their bodies as shields without being recognized as conscious political agents capable of making independent decisions, including the selection and targeting of adversaries. This paucity of female physical autonomy underscores the hesitancy of militant organizations to acknowledge women as conscious political actors capable of making informed military choices on the ground.

Furthermore, it is notable that militant organizations are gradually veering away from involving women in combat-centric roles.⁶⁵ This shift is evident in the diminishing number of female bombers since the early 2000s, as highlighted by Swati Parashar, a political scientist specializing in female insurgency in South Asia.⁶⁶ Parashar’s observation becomes intriguing when juxtaposed with the views expressed by Asiya Andrabi, a prominent female militant. Andrabi argues that it is “against the dignity of a Muslim woman that the parts of her body be strewn in a public place. If a combatant or a suicide bomber is a woman, her dead body is bound to fall or be scattered in a place full of men.”⁶⁷ In reducing a woman solely to her physical body, Andrabi undermines the broader capabilities and roles that women can fulfill. Moreover, her claim that it would be disastrous to have a woman’s body in the presence of men implies a sense of shame associated with women, a characteristic that she does not extend to men. This notion of shame creates a gendered distinction, portraying women as shameful and unsuitable to die publicly while disregarding any mention of men or their supposed shame in witnessing the death of a woman. Andrabi’s statement, given her influential position in the Mujahideen’s female wing, exposes the subordinate depiction of women within militant organizations. It also suggests that despite their relatively higher level of empowerment within these organizations, women still lack the means to achieve true equality with men.

Recent intelligence reports suggest that women might participate in militant training camps, such as those operated by militant organizations like Lashkar-e-Taiba.⁶⁸ These camps are said to provide rigorous training in guerrilla warfare.⁶⁹ However, it is important to critically examine the purpose of such training and consider the recipients’ credentials. In many cases, most women involved in these camps are wives or relatives of high-profile militants, and their training duration is significantly shorter than that of men.⁷⁰ Lasting only 21 days, this limited and basic combat-focused training could be seen as serving primarily self-defense purposes.⁷¹ These circumstances raise important questions about the denial of female agency in actively using weapons for offensive actions. The justification of self-defense for the wives of prominent militants raises two significant points. Firstly, it suggests that women are often perceived as inherently passive, resorting to violence solely for personal safety rather than as a means to advance broader ideologies. Secondly, it implies that only women connected to higher-status men are considered capable of employing violence, thus linking a woman’s position to her relationship with a man. These instances demonstrate the constrained agency granted to women, which is also evident in cases of suicide bombing. Women are denied their status as independent military actors and are confined to tightly controlled auxiliary roles. Therefore, while militancy in Kashmir may offer women an opportunity to assert agency through alternative forms of resistance against patriarchal norms, it ultimately subverts these norms in a limited manner.


The struggles faced by women in Kashmir are deeply rooted in societal constraints and marginalization, which demand immediate attention and empowerment. While some women have found avenues for social and political agency through their participation in militancy, it is crucial to acknowledge the limitations imposed within these organizations that restrict their autonomy and perpetuate gender inequality. To address these complex gender dynamics and pursue empowerment, alternative non-violent approaches must be embraced.

For women in Kashmir to truly experience empowerment and for peace to prevail, it is imperative for the government to recognize and address the limitations imposed by militant organizations. Rather than resorting to violence, women should be encouraged to pursue non-violent means to achieve empowerment. The Indian government can draw inspiration from successful examples like Rwanda and Armenia, implementing their effective strategies. First and foremost, creating an environment that values women’s voices and involves them in policymaking is crucial. This can be achieved by implementing a quota system similar to Rwanda’s, which has successfully increased female representation in decision-making bodies.⁷² By actively shaping policies and representing diverse interests, women can contribute to gender equality and empowerment in politics.

Secondly, the government should invest in training programs that enhance women’s leadership skills, following Armenia’s successful example.⁷³ By providing opportunities for leadership development, women can become effective agents of change within their communities, leading to greater participation in decision-making processes. One way of doing so is by enhancing women’s access to economic opportunities. In post-genocide Rwanda, the government prioritized economic initiatives for women, such as establishing cooperatives and microfinance programs.⁷⁴ The government of Kashmir can also support initiatives that provide women with entrepreneurship training, access to credit, and opportunities to participate in the formal economy.

True empowerment lies in valuing women’s voices, experiences, and aspirations, providing them with equal opportunities, education, and the freedom to make choices for themselves. Government plays a crucial role in shaping a society that celebrates women for their strength, intellect, and individuality. By challenging prevailing stereotypes and misconceptions, the government can foster an environment where women are seen as agents of change rather than passive participants. The journey towards empowering women in Kashmir is undoubtedly complex, but it must be undertaken to ensure a just and equitable society. By recognizing the latent potential of women, valuing their contributions, and creating an environment that supports their aspirations, a path can be paved for a more inclusive and peaceful Kashmir. It is only through such efforts that the struggles faced by women can be overcome and a society that embraces gender equality and empowers all its members can be achieved.


¹ Outlook Web Desk, “The History of Kashmir Conflict and Its Various Phases,” https://www.outlookindia.com/, April 3, 2022, https://www.outlookindia.com/national/the-history-of-kashmir-conflict-news-189840.

² Ibid.

³ Ibid.

⁴ Tehmeena Rizvi, “Kashmiri Women for a Shared Future,” Policy Perspectives Foundation, November 2, 2020, https://ppf.org.in/opinion/kashmiri-women-for-a-shared-future.

⁵ Swati Parashar, “Gender, Jihad, and Jingoism: Women as Perpetrators, Planners, and Patrons of Militancy in Kashmir,” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 34, no. 4 (March 16, 2011): 309, https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610x.2011.551719.

⁶ Rita Manchanda, “Guns and Burqa: Women in the Kashmiri Conflict,” in Women, War and Peace in South Asia: Beyond Victimhood to Agency, ed. Rita Manchanda (New Delhi: Sage Publishers, 2001), 53.

⁷ Parashar, “Gender, Jihad, and Jingoism,” 309

⁸ Ibid.

⁹ Sobhrajani, “Women’s Role in the Post-1989 Insurgency,” 79.

¹⁰ Ibid.

¹¹ Malik, “Democracy, Gender and Armed Conflict,” 79

¹² Malik, “Democracy, Gender and Armed Conflict,” 719

¹³ Malik, “Democracy, Gender and Armed Conflict,” 723.

¹⁴ Hafsa Kanjwal, “Women in Kashmir,” South Asia Graduate Research Journal 20 (season-03 2011): 59.

¹⁵ Ibid.

¹⁶ Ibid.

¹⁷ Ibid.

¹⁸ “Mission Kashmir,” Indian Cinema – the University of Iowa, accessed October 30, 2023, https://indiancinema.sites.uiowa.edu/mission-kashmir.

¹⁹ Urba Malik, “Democracy, Gender and Armed Conflict: Exploring Kashmir,” AGU International Journal of Research in Social Sciences & Humanities 6, no. 1 (2018): 717.

²⁰ Ibid.

²¹ Asia Watch and Physicians for Human Rights, “Rape in Kashmir: A Crime of War,” Human Rights Watch (HRW India, 2007), https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/INDIA935.PDF.

²² Malik, “Democracy, Gender and Armed Conflict,” 717.

²³ Ibid.

²⁴ Ibid.

²⁵ Ibid.

²⁶ Ibid.

²⁷ Ibid.

²⁸ Ibid.

²⁹ Aliya Bashir, “Kashmir’s Half-Widows Shoulder the Burden of a Double Tragedy,” The Guardian, October 11, 2010, https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2010/oct/11/1.

³⁰ Malik, “Democracy, Gender and Armed Conflict,” 721.

³¹ Sunayana Kachroo and Danish Renzu, “The Half Widows in Kashmir,” Medium, August 31, 2018, https://medium.com/the-wvoice/the-half-widows-in-kashmir-fef80c6b88e9.

³² Safina Nabi Grantee, “How Kashmir’s Half-Widows Are Denied Their Basic Property Rights,” Pulitzer Center, January 26, 2022, https://pulitzercenter.org/stories/how-kashmirs-half-widows-are-denied-their-basic-property-rights.

³³ Ibid.

³⁴ Ibid.

³⁵ Malik, “Democracy, Gender and Armed Conflict,” 721.

³⁶ Ibid.

³⁷ Ibid.

³⁸ Ibid.

³⁹ Ibid.

⁴⁰ Ibid.

⁴¹ Devina Neogi, “Women’s Struggles in the Kashmir Militancy War,” Journal of International Women’s Studies, 7, 23, no. 6 (May 2022): 7.

⁴² Ibid.

⁴³ Ibid.

⁴⁴ Ibid.

⁴⁵ Husain, “The Other Face of Azadi,” 66.

⁴⁶ Ibid.

⁴⁷ Husain, “The Other Face of Azadi,” 65.

⁴⁸ Malik, “Democracy, Gender and Armed Conflict,” 723.

⁴⁹ Husain, “The Other Face of Azadi,” 67.

⁵⁰ Parashar, “Gender, Jihad, and Jingoism,” 304.

⁵¹ Husain, “The Other Face of Azadi,” 66.

⁵² Nusrat Ali, “Women in Kashmir: Caught between Patriarchy and Conflict,” Kashmir Reader, January 15, 2021, https://kashmirreader.com/2021/01/16/women-in-kashmir-caught-between-patriarchy-and-conflict/#:~:text=Kashmiri%20society%2C%20like%20other%20societies,treated%20as%20inferior%20to%20men.

⁵³ Husain, “The Other Face of Azadi,” 66.

⁵⁴ Neogi, “Women’s Struggles in the Kashmir Militancy War,”1.

⁵⁵ Aaliya Anjum, “The Militant in Her: Women and Resistance,” Al Jazeera, August 2, 2011, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2011/8/2/the-militant-in-her-women-and-resistance.

⁵⁶ Masrat Zahra and Peerzada Sheikh Muzamil, “In Photos: How Women’s Roles Are Changing in Kashmir’s Conflict,” The New Humanitarian, April 1, 2021, https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/photo-feature/2020/07/14/Kashmir-military-conflict-violence-women.

⁵⁷ Seema Kazi, “Between Democracy and Nation: Gender and Militarisation in Kashmir” (PhD diss., London School of Economics and Political Science, 2007), 48.

⁵⁸ Condoleezza Rice, conversation with author, Stanford, May 12, 2023.

⁵⁹ Iqbal, “Through Their Eyes,” 167.

⁶⁰ Husain, “The Other Face of Azadi,” 66.

⁶¹ Husain, “The Other Face of Azadi,” 67.

⁶² Husain, “The Other Face of Azadi,” 64.

⁶³ Husain, “The Other Face of Azadi,” 66.

⁶⁴ Swati Parashar, “Feminist International Relations and Women Militants: Case Studies from Sri Lanka and Kashmir,” Cambridge Review of International Affairs 22, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 235–56, https://doi.org/10.1080/09557570902877968, 248.

⁶⁵ Ibid.

⁶⁶ Ibid.

⁶⁷ Manisha Sobhrajani, “Jammu and Kashmir: Women’s Role in the Post-1989 Insurgency,” Faultlines 19, no. 1 (April 2008): 71.

⁶⁸ Pradeep Thakur, “Let Training Women Militants,” The Times of India, April 6, 2006, https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/let-training-women-militants/articleshow/1862696.cms.

⁶⁹ Ibid.

⁷⁰ Manchanda, “Guns and Burqa,” 78.

⁷¹ Thakur, “Let Training Women Militants.”

⁷² UN Women, “Revisiting Rwanda Five Years after Record-Breaking Parliamentary Elections,” UN Women, 2019, https://www.unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2018/8/feature-rwanda-women-in-parliament.

⁷³ “Women in Politics | United Nations Development Programme,” UNDP, accessed October 30, 2023, https://www.undp.org/armenia/projects/women-politics.

⁷⁴ Ibid.

Khushmita Dhabhai
Khushmita Dhabhai

Khushmita Dhabhai is an undergraduate at Stanford University. Her areas of interest include studying conflict resolution, peacebuilding, statecraft, political philosophy, constitutional law, and the role of ethics in international affairs. Her regional focus is in the Asia-Pacific.